Social Democracy: Petrograd 1917

The Duma was formed after a great massacre: the embittered Tsar wanted to see if we could do it better. Now that a catastrophic world war has annihilated our countrymen on an unprecedented scale, we’ve demonstrably proven we can do it better, so the Tsar is deposed.

Now the question of awkwardly reorganizing our state affairs, given that the Tsar can no longer be blamed for them. There are several areas of concern. First, of course, the catastrophic world war annihilating our countrymen on an unprecedented scale. The soldiers are complaining, which only shows they were not the soldiers who should have been complaining. We must give them something, I suppose, since we’re running out of rifles. What are the proposals? “There will be elected soldiers’ committees, which will control the distribution of weapons.” This will be a disaster. The army will collapse if the distribution of weapons is the charge of those who discharge them. Soon, they’ll be demanding control of the distribution of orders! What happened to the patriotic old days, when you told such and so a village, go forth into their main column and all of you die, so the cavalry can achieve a victory? These revolutionaries profess they believe in collective action, yet not one of them is willing to join the great unifying slaughter in No Man’s Land. “Soldiers can no longer be verbally abused by the officers, and they must be addressed by respectful terms.” This will be a disaster. The utter indignity of politely being asked your opinion regarding the upkeep of the latrine. Aleksander Ivanych, please dear heart, you know that by every hair of my moustache I am fond of your kisses, could you please beloved one crawl like a worm rooting round hell under mortars and machine guns through the mud and wire and corpses, and should you then still breathe, launch yourself into their nest with this grenade? “Soldiers will have the same rights as ordinary citizens when off-duty, including the right to participate in elections.” Yes, of course, this is fine. Soldiers ought to be guaranteed every right that should pertain to when they are no longer soldiers, we all take immense solace in the afterlife.

Now onto labor. The people are convinced they’ve seized power, so we must convince them of this. “Support the strikes rhetorically.” This will be a disaster. For workers to have rights, they must first become workers. We will never emancipate the proletariat if there is no lower class to emancipate. “The Soviet should support the workers’ demands for higher wages and improved working conditions.” This will be a disaster. The wages are fine, of course, every year we will raise everyone’s wages by precisely the increase in prices, so the Soviet will become a champion of economic progress, dramatically increasing the supply of rubles. It is rather the improved working conditions that are intolerable, because these cannot be increased universally, but only through individualist seizures of collectivist efficiencies into petit demesnes of production according to one’s own rights. Improving working conditions is a counterrevolutionary subversion of dialectical materialism, which states that material conditions can only improve by improvements to the material of conditions, and it is this material foundation which we must improve to improve conditions, which is in fact the Soviet, so that we must all expend our patriotic energies to the utmost to improve the Soviet, which is identical to the improvement in working conditions. “The Soviet should convince the workers to stop striking.” This will be a disaster. Any dialogue between the Soviet and the workers would imply a separation between the Soviet and the workers, which is not the case. It is the radical embodiment of the Soviet that is the strike as dialectic, such that we, as workers, must radically, through the power of our Soviet, collectively empower ourselves to proceed beyond the strike towards our goal, which has already been achieved, as indeed it is through our collectivization of the means of production that we’ve realized our greatest advancement in labor: “Give women equal legal rights to men.” Now we may all victoriously return to the factories.

Finally, the most pressing matter. Now that the Tsar is gone, who is to blame? The easiest answer: “The only enemies should be the Germans!” This will be a disaster. If our only enemies are the Germans, then we will have to win the war, which is impossible, then who do we blame for that? “The Kadets and other bourgeois parties.” This will be a disaster. If we declare the bourgeois to be the eternal enemy of our revolution, then yes, we can kill the Kadets and the like, but then we must blame the bourgeois, and who then is the bourgeois? Fine, they are all killed, but then who is the bourgeois? We must learn from Robespierre. “Counterrevolutionary forces, Black Hundreds, and the like.” This will be a disaster. These revolutionaries grow in the thousands, and they’re each compelled to some kind of creed. We’ll have to inquisitate every heresy every time, which will only expose the damned to options. We’ll allocate our precious resources endlessly explaining which revolution is the revolution that properly revolves, by the very thought I’ve become dizzy. “Bolsheviks and anarchists, who seek to subvert the revolution from within.” Excellent, only when we can blame the revolutionaries will the revolution truly go unquestioned.

The situation settles nicely. We flatly refuse to join the government: first the Provisional Government, then we storm out of the Soviet. We flatly refuse to allow any ideological resolution among the SRs. We allow conditions to develop naturally: a quarter of a million die in the latest offensive, the workers and peasants are in constant revolt, the economy is collapsing. The only effort we make in response to the prevailing distress is to organize among the peasants and crack down on all the black markets supplying the cities with food. The situation deteriorates. General Kornilov besieges Petrograd to stage a coup, we flatly refuse to assist in the defense. “The war continues unabated. / Over the course of the war and revolution, the problem of hunger has worsened.” Russia enters another civil war. Chaos reigns under heaven, the situation is excellent.

I should preface this by saying that this game (and the game it’s a sequel to, set in Germany) are fantastic educational tools. My school’s IB history teacher plans on using them for assignments next year.

This game is a card-based simulation game where you take control of one faction of the new Russian government directly after the overthrow of the aristocracy.

You track stats like party support for all the parties, resources and budget, and so on. You can place ministers in different positions. You can affect food supply, propaganda, the war effort and more. You also react to frequent new events.

I think this is a fantastic game. My only reason for four stars instead of five is that even on easy setting the game is pretty overwhelming; with the German game I had some idea of the background and events but coming into this cold I felt confronted by a mass of new people and parties and policies, and it was hard to know what to do. My people starved and revolted and the Bolsheviks won.

I feel like the game is fair, and that repeated play would make what’s going on apparent, but I did like the emotional impact of seeing my empire crumble and it made me imagine the stress and fear early Russian officials must have felt.

Adapted from a SpringThing25 Review

Played: 4/3/25
Playtime: 1hr, lost to Bolsheviks

Aleksandr Solzhenitsyn is one of my literary heroes. I find his prose magnetic EVEN IN TRANSLATION. I can only imagine how glorious it must be in the original Russian. I am one of maybe 4 people in the US who started (in good faith) his Red Wheel novel cycle as it started to be translated into English. Red Wheel is a sprawling, epic, fictional account of the events dramatized by this game. Its four volumes start massive and grow to thousands of pages, increasing as the work drives on. Its translation is also incomplete, the initial English language work halted by the publisher after only two volumes were released. The third volume has subsequently been split into 4 hardbacks by a different publisher which I have not yet read, waiting for paperback releases. The final volume has still not even been translated, nearly 35 years on. Solzhenitsyn! What the hell world, what are we waiting for??? This is how capitalism fails us.

I offer this to establish I have a passing, though (vis a vis the game) debilitatingly incomplete knowledge of this setting. I also have a hunger to know more! When I first saw this game, it did not click for me exactly how it would resonate. Instead, my initial reaction was “OMG I loved the original, it is still in an open tab on my desktop! The original features NAZIS, how could this POSSIBLY measure up?” Only when I dove into the required preamble reading and party- and character-names started ringing for me did I grasp the full grip this author has on my psyche.

Don’t get me wrong. Like its predecessor, 1917 is a COMMITMENT. SO much detailed background, more than you can possibly internalize before playing. (And bear in mind, I have a head start here!) I spent a full quarter of my first playthrough reading background! How can you possibly justify that investment? Who on earth would possibly commit to this?

Besides me, I mean. Kinda like the Red Wheel itself.

This game builds on its predecessor in daunting ways. Where the previous was juggling multiple competing faction alliances, social unrest, government management, and population service with woefully inadequate resources, this game increases scope in nearly every dimension. It substitutes two new dimensions “Government” and “Economy” as indirect windows into the former games’s “Polls.” I didn’t do a full comparison, but each tab FEELS like it has more variables to watch.

It shares the card-driven paradigm of the first, with multiple decks based on what your party has secured control over. As before, you have a limited hand of options, a limited (though configurable) slate of ‘advisor’ cards to bust out for special powers, and must-face ‘event cards’ that demand responses every turn. The amount of variables in play is untenably large. You cannot possibly keep them all in your head, and while you have a vague idea how to influence many variables, there is no truly predictable cause and effect. “The peasants are hungry” “Let me spend resources to feed them!” “Well, the numbers barely move and it is unclear how well that worked.” As a card game trying to minmax to victory, this is frustrating beyond justification. As a simulation of governing, where you have clumsy, uncertain levers to influence complex problems it is PERFECT. Ditto the concurrent game of adjusting policy and actions to keep an effective coalition that doesn’t usurp your priorities for their own.

Like its predecessor, while technically a work of interactive fiction, its gameplay is just outside what that label generally implies. Also like its predecessor, that caveat is immaterial. I adore these games. I am overwhelmed by these games in the best possible way. At some point, I am going to cede some fraction of my RAM to Autumn. This is the second game that will just be permanently open on my desktop. I guess I kinda already have ceded that space.

Horror Icon: Pinhead
Vibe: Big Box Boardgame
Polish: Smooth
Gimme the Wheel! : I recommended its predecessor be Kickstarted as a cardboard implementation. Even then, I underestimated the wooden-counter cost of reflecting its breadth of variables, nevermind the mechanical demands of keeping them updated with every action. 1917 has shown me how ill-advised that actually was. No, if it were mine, I would use the full weight of my subject matter authority and clout to see the final volume of Red Wheel translated and published. That kind of seems more in reach than the Kickstarter. UPDATE: I see that the fourth volume has a publication date of Nov 2025. Thanks Autumn!

Polish scale: Gleaming, Smooth, Textured, Rough, Distressed
Gimme the Wheel: What I would do next, if it were my project.